Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts

Friday, December 27, 2013

Mere Baap Pehle AAP!!!














So ‘Mere Baap Pehle AAP’ has finally become the slogan of today’s Indian politics, at least the politics of adjustment, if the word compromise stinks much to make our holy nationalist politicians feel awkward before public. But the problem really lies somewhere behind the scenes appearing after Delhi election result specially after the confirmation of AAP emergence toward power. It is beyond any doubt about the logic of the emergence of ‘AAP’ or signification of the syntax ‘Aam Admi Party’. The syntax has broken the modernity of traditional political representation toward creating a condition, using the election transit amid the ‘power politics’ and ‘politics of power’ on either side. The election transit has given ‘AAP’ enough space to place their manifesto of promises. Nothing more than saying that this ‘AAP’ has used this ‘election transit’ most effectively for two reasons: first, they did not have any formational tradition; second, they used this ‘no-tradition’ condition to transcend the traditional political representational parameters and popular political forms. The popular nomenclature or appearance or logo of this no-tradition condition is, as they used significantly, the ‘anti corruption’ party. In this way ‘AAP’ has grafted its root in Indian political system leaving even Anna’s anti-corruption logo far behind.

Genealogy of a condition faces challenge

Now if this is the genealogy of Arvind Kejriwal and his ‘Aam Admi Party’ or ‘Aap’ we are witnessing a different ball game after the election where this genealogy has become a new condition where the politics of power is playing a new trick. In every hung-house condition in Parliamentary politics, apart from very few instances of real political-ideological combinations, there somehow a horse-trading situation generates where either horse trading or any nearing post-poll adjustment rules the order. But this time the situation is made up by new colour combinations. The anti-corruption logo or the ‘AAP’ has gained enough political support but an ‘iconic’ short of new power destination. The public support for ‘AAP’ has replaced two political conditions: one, it is placed on the debris of political corruptions and this time in the regime of Congress; secondly, it has gone against all traditional political representations, as said earlier, that include parties like BJP too. The new condition has therefore replaced all mythic political forms. But this not the real end in the Indian constitutionality and this time it is not evident in the outcome where Congress has constitutionally rendered their support to ‘AAP’ to for the government. The real trick lies in the principle behind where real power politics still works even after the election. Now Congress is taking stance to let ‘AAP’ sit in power and BJP is in traditional opposition by criticizing ‘AAP’ for taking Congress support.

The ball game therefore lies in the bourgeois ideology where Congress suddenly has come forward to render support to its destroyer who has already promised to enquire all corruption incidents with a clear intimidation of putting the guilty behind the bar. BJP might have enjoyed the situation for reasons like, first, they are the newly emerged political force in four states; and secondly, they defeated Congress in four state assemblies. But it remains as disturbing as it is for Congress to define the long underestimated ‘AAP’ and their emergence in Indian politics. Both Congress and BJP do not have any new or de novo approach to deal with ‘AAP’ politics. So they went on attacking ‘AAP’ quite traditionally which did not work in the election. Basically these political parties with their old mythic traditions had a tough fight with a newer and very unknown ‘condition’. So the real fight took place between ‘corruption’ or ‘establishments’ and anti-incumbent promises (conditions) that not only kept both political establishments away from power but gave them a lesson of new political identity beyond their attainability.

But bourgeoisie comprising of two such major parties and their political allies won’t let it go likewise. They, as said, have started a new ball game to transform this new condition into another mythic ‘form’, as they are, with all flaws and of course new corruptions to restore the political equilibratory system. Commercial media houses have already started excavating flaws and corruption of AAP. Congress for this reason has rendered its support to keep ‘AAP’ away from the newly emerged condition that actually gained the public support.

Pressure mounting on 'AAP'

With that announcement of support even before ‘AAP’ could come out with any decision the Indian bourgeoisie has come out with a different trick. Both Congress and BJP have tactfully started clamouring that 'AAP' should form the government and fulfill what it has promised in the manifesto. Congress has already rendered its support, albeit not obviously unconditional but performance based as said the former Chief Minister Sheila Dixit. BJP has decided to sit in opposition bench. Now the question arises why 'AAP' could not stick to its earlier position of not accepting the power putting therefore counter pressure on Congress and BJP? Bourgeoisie, precisely Bourgeois parties in this way had made its first triumph to settle its position by transferring the onus on the third or newly emerged force and the so called third force has consequently placed its submission. 'AAP' however kept on justifying its position and the renewal of its owned condition by playing a 'counter' but a very old fashioned prank as taking 'mass consent' using new communication technology. Quite naturally with 74%, as they announced, of people's ‘social network based’ consent the 'AAP' has decided to form the government not by committing Congress’ support overtly.

In this way, a new political power condition is ready to emerge where for the first time bourgeois parties will play on and common people and media will focus on fulfillment of promises with an unprecedented importance thus overruling the precedence of having almost nothing from the manifestoes fulfilled earlier in the history Indian democracy. BJP on the other hand is not expected to fulfill its promises given in three other states, Madhyapradesh, Rajasthan, and Chattisgarh with such a heed. So is Congress in Mizoram. But here the bourgeois parties or the bourgeoisie is paying its full attention to corner ‘AAP’ to a large extent before fulfillment. It is like two contestants are expecting the third contestant doing good result in the same examination.

AAP-promises-government axis

Now if anyone moves into the promises made by ‘AAP’ it would come out that it caters only on the unfulfilled or fake promises of Congress or categorically the ruling party. So they have made their agenda quite realistic and plausible to accomplish. So the AAP on the one hand provided plausible or realistic promises which convinced a large section of urban population and made a successful alternative to all traditional manifestoes on the other having propagated a clear message that — okay, we have come out with a newer pledge to execute the manifesto which others did never before. Such anti-establishment message or manifesto is very common to those parties and platforms which people usually do not pay much attention to, and categorized ‘others’ in media poll analyses. But this time with the streams of Lokpal-Lokayukta debate people of Delhi have done it which was quite naturally unexpected to all established parties. AAP has therefore emphasized particularly on civic issues like, water and electricity issues, which are long unfulfilled in many Indian states. These two aspects on the other hand are prime essentials of industrialization for which citizens have long been deprived of getting minimum civic amenities. Some state governments are providing extra-requisite water and electricity to those industries at the cost of civic development. So it is not the question of BJP or Congress to accomplish the job but it is the ‘AAP’ which has made it an issue of accomplishment by breaking all earlier manifesto-narratives. That basically and suddenly unites BJP and Congress to say that — we should give AAP a chance to fulfill what they promised, as if they have a long tradition of fulfilling their promises!! This invitation therefore is neither natural at all nor is it the real support being rendered by the Congress already. It has become an acid test for ‘AAP’ to accomplish the promises.

But it is for sure that the ‘AAP’ syntax is now made up not just to fulfill the promises but to shatter all earlier development narratives which Arvind Kejriwal and his associates know it very well and the difficulty to attain it too along with. But the AAP leadership despite all impossibilities has accepted the prods of all opposition parties and come forward to form the government without majority. It has also accepted the onus, as given by two major parties, to form the holy government taking it for granted that Congress and BJP will never support each other. So it is the only party to form a minority government. Bourgeois political forces have again won the game. The only hope remains that AAP is not the proletariat force. So it would any day be ready maintain the equilibrium of the Indian political system. The revolutionary destination of Aam Admi Party would therefore be to form a minority government to avoid another election and also to pay respect to the wish of the traditional political rulers.

Saturday, March 5, 2011

Establishment vs. Opposition Platforms: In search of ideology among common mass


Abir Chattopadhyay



Does this headline stink too much specially in West Bengal? or enough cliché anyway? Whatever it smells people of this state, otherwise, have to sit with this debate for at least coming one and half year, even if anyone ignores imminent 2012 debacle as accorded by some demanding astrologers!!! If it still looks enough viscid please let me introduce that categories like ‘political’, ‘commercial’, ‘social’ are going to be permeated within next one or two years into a complete mutation of the individual meaning of them. Through the postcommercial development of mass media toward becoming a ‘package’ ahead of a ‘message’ all categories of ‘individual and mass’ life are going to hover close to the end of existence. But the most interesting issue is that people of India including this state also largely are quite unaware of such mutation of all earlier meanings and categories as they by the reason of severe economic inequalities, cultural hierarchies, and bourgeois political domination face lots of struggle while in their mundane life. So mass media can easily maneuver such packages of understanding beyond common, traditional understandings of life which are mostly binary oppositional, staying between good or bad, yes or no, we or they, hero or villain etc. etc. The headline represents such a binary oppositional topic of discussion of the hour that often reduces natural plurality of political, social, cultural issues and leads to a simple ‘uneven’ concentration of power specially political and economic power in some bourgeois hierarchical strata. That not only baffles the common mass away from the mainstream political notions but makes them eternal consumer of mediated political packages.

Binarity between two prime categories

In between the above two categories ‘Establishment’ and ‘Opposition’ the leading debate exists between the mediated package and the traditional binary notions of life. Mass media everyday perpetrate an absolute detailing of establishment and opposition as well, as they create every moment of that and people are always eager to reduce the same into any friendly category of life, say government, local politics, village politics, market price,  2009, 2011, alliance, CPM, Trinamool, Congress etc. Therefore in this equation bourgeois media naturally have a tendency to maneuver such reductionist issues toward making of a mass understanding of it by creating pseudo often fabricated public opinion, as suited commercially. Media try thus to realign its audience reorienting their notions into a homogeneous one like ‘this time Mamata’ from 2001 since the birth of Trinamool congress, and Now 2011 etc.

What establishment and what opposition? An oversimplification altogether

Nevertheless people of West Bengal have to participate in this debate between mediated package and common opinion toward identifying establishment and the opposition. So let us better clarify what is establishment? And what indeed the opposition is? Common understanding often says ‘establishment’ is the government that rules, if further reduced, CPM government and opposition is ‘Mamata’ in any sensibility whatever or ‘no’. But extending such ordinary notion we will find various other categories that also rule common psyche and many such deviant or defiant voices on the other hand that do not rule but oppose ruling. Government ruling is often presupposedly taken as absorbing common individuated and oppositional desires. Common sense of ‘opposition’ therefore often comes out to be simply opposing such ruling. But beyond such oversimplified and near obsessive sense there are many other forms of establishment that also participate in ruling the common mass or psyche. 

Opposition dissolves: emergence of new ruling

After Singur and Nandigram fiasco the emergence of new individuals in the name of civil society have taken a self proclaimed ruling stance staunchly standing by the political opposition and have left no stone unturned to rule the mass. These people not disclosing membership of any particular political wing have created a new ruling over the common mass and public opinion straightway to the Trinamool Congress. Being hugely fed by bourgeois mass media the new ruling-power groups have been unceasingly rewarded in every kind possible. The sacred role of the common mass is, if at all needed, to just switch their TV set on or newspaper open and be an unimposing consumer. The unimposing consumer even media disseminate the fabricated death figure of 1500 people on 14th March, 2007 in Nandigram. If bourgeois media even compete among them on the fabrication of the number of death. Media thus create another establishment creating regular newer talk-shows with people who often try to be the opinion leaders of the common mass. The so called opposition platforms have consequently taken the safe shelter behind these opinions of newer individuals. A new binarity is at the same time been created. Opinion leaders on the other hand are to be shown politically independent and saviour of the bourgeois political parties which operate behind them. Binarity is the ‘others’ who are marked by their political identities. So ‘opportunism’ precisely ‘political opportunism’ is another ‘establishment’ that rules common psyche in the guise of so called marked opposition. Please note that this newer establishment is too costly as the members are to be heavily financially fed by another establishment, here it called the ‘Ministry of Railways’ which largely feeds the bourgeoisie with huge public money simply in the name of another establishment called ‘heritage’. Therefore ‘opposition’ here is mutated to become a form of more powerful counter establishment leaving mass distress of poverty, hunger, political killing, price hike, food inflation away from the spotlight. This is also a spectacle that evades ideological plurality.

32 years of left front government: still ‘establishment (!!!) in making’

Another inconsistent and anomalous (category) presupposition is the 32 years of left front ruling which is another ‘establishment in making’ beyond natural plurality of democracy. If democratic naturalism is the frequent change of the government, as often accorded by many social theorists, how then left front have won seven consecutive assembly elections since 1977. Is it beyond democracy!!! Wisely ‘no’. Here natural plurality supports the left front coalition that has ruled the state beyond ruling. This is important. It is not a package because capitalist democracy can’t generate that possibility in its procedural format. Opposition parties since 1982 have been trying to organize people against the left front. They were not totally unsuccessful in this process as they have also earned democratic space among people. But since 2001, opposition again was dissolved and oppositional content had been reduced to a mediated homogeneous ruling “This time or never”. Public however rejected this ultimatum. Same result spilled over in 2006, public again rejected such ‘ruling’. After winning considerably in Parliament election in 2009 and some municipal elections opposition parties have completely forgotten their agenda. The slogan is even further reduced to “Now 2011”. Gone is the oppositional identity, a new ruling emerges not as alternative but a mere consolidation that only desires power against proclaimed “32 years” of establishment. Dear reader, this is a pre-election scenario!!! Naturally opposition here is only the emergence of newer power bloc or consolidation.

Public reaction: backlash or vandalism

Recently a Kolkata based hospital was quite brutally ransacked by a violent mob alleging the hospital for not admitting some accident patients. But the attack was so planned and organized that vandals turned the hospital into a heap of rubble within hours. Is this a notion of opposition? Let us not confine our discussion within the Advertisements given by the hospital authority in almost all newspapers of the very next day that ‘this is a blow to the whole of hospital industry’. The state government has announced a departmental inquiry. But still the binarity remains in between the performance of hospital industry on the one side and the organized vandalism on the other. The deceased members of our society and the rubble of our property mutually symbolize the dissolution of both establishment and opposition toward making of a more powerful establishment structure that only exploits common people. Most importantly the remaining is the uneven power concentration in both sides of the coin where neither government nor any people’s ‘ideology’ have a legitimate entry. These concentrations not only provide a new ruling but destroy all kinds of welfare approaches of common life. State inquiry may throw a new light on it, but will then be anyone there to recognize what has happened really? This is suitably a question that hardly allows even the victims and their families.

People of not only this state but of the country have earlier seen many such incidents in the name of ‘public reaction’ or backlash etc. We have seen the demolition of Babri Mosque, Gujarat genocide, Maoist extremism, ransacking West Bengal state legislative Assembly by handful members of the state opposition and the list is endless. On the other side we have seen 2/3rd of total population of the state for seven consecutive times have supported a political coalition. Is it too non-commercial or chimera? Isn’t it a public reaction and at least better than killing common innocent mass?

In Nandigram since 2007 amongst all categories of events occurred during the year long massacre, the only neglected and impoverished category what have had a least amount of public attention was of those four thousand people being thrown away from their land. These people remained always ousted not only from their land but from the spectacle also. The whole of East Midnapore gradually came under a family ruling. Isn’t it an establishment that gathers only power to engulf the mass in an encircled impasse? Let us still not accept any binarity that declares the earlier regime in East Midnapore innocent. They have accepted public penance in exchange of every wrong stepping.

2011

This four digit combination nowadays acts beyond all its traditional meaning and gradually becomes a symbol many false connotations that somewhere scares people, gives a message of something historic beyond all democratic norms where people only have to perform and make a history of their own what they have done since last three decades. Therefore this was never a continuous process where they had chosen seven distinctly separate governments in West Bengal. 2011 is exactly like 2006, 2001, 1996, 1991, 1987, 1982, 1977 and even 1972 where people used to express their individual grievance, ideology, struggle, gratification, discontent, anger, deprivation. This individuality and a sense of independence keep them united which often wrongly defined as ‘polarization’. The other side of this stream is sheer domination which transcends even governmental ruling toward an emergence of unholy power over the common mass.